The author examines the principal topics in Netter’s work—God, humanity, Christ, the Church, religious life, prayer, the sacraments—and he makes the case that there is a definite plan which links the various parts of the into a whole giving it a certain theological unity.”] Alford, John. Whereas Langland is more critically reflexive, Wyclif contradicts himself by endorsing the material interests of the secular elites.] —. Central to the book is Aers’s re-conceptualization of the notion of orthodoxy and its attendant term, heresy, terms which have come to define modern accounts of medieval sacramental theology, even where they are acknowledged to be imprecise descriptors of literary texts. Working from Slavoj Zizek’s claim that political identity is often founded on the fetishistic disavowal of a shared guilt, this work argues that the two parts of Henry IV, in their insistent metadramatic reminders of Oldcastle’s treason and execution, function to disturb the audience’s interpellation as subjects of Tudor-Protestant power.”] Bacher, John Rea. “‘Constantine From England and the Bohemians’: Hussitism, Orthodoxy, and the End of Byzantium.” . She argues that rather than directly condemn Lollards, as much contemporary Benedictine poetry did, these lyrics appropriated and adapted Lollard critiques to promote an orthodox agenda for church reform.] —.”‘This Holy Tyme’: Present Sense in the projects a unified, ethical kingdom that contrasts with “the divisions, factions, and unrest following the deposition of Richard II and the threats to the institutional church posed by the challenges of the Lollards.”] Barrows, C. “John Wycliffe.” , Sarah Beckwith explores the most lavish, long-lasting, and complex form of collective theatrical enterprise in English history: the York Corpus Christi plays. “Wyclif and Wycliffism at Oxford 1356-1430.” Catto and Evans 175-261. “Theology After Wycliffism.” Catto and Evans 263-280. “Fellows and Helpers: The Religious Identity of the Followers of Wyclif.” Biller and Dobson 141-62. “The King’s Government and the Fall of Pecock, 1457-58.” , was one of Wyclif’s scholarly disciples. Catto summarizes several of the anonymous texts which comment on Wyclif’s teachings on universals.] —. This study shows that a) in their explanation of what it means for a proposition to be true, Burley and Wyclif both develop what we could call a theory of intentionality in order to explain the relation that must obtain between the human mind and the truth-makers, and b) that their explanations reach back to Augustine, more precisely to his theory of ocular vision as exposed in the 49 (2011): 258-74. Focusing primarily on the writings of the English Dominican Robert Holkot, this paper explores a central transformation in fourteenth-century Eucharistic discourse. [Nisbet’s glosses show how a lay reader in the early to mid-sixteenth century negotiated between different versions of the New Testament.] Dove, Mary. Modern scholars, largely content to accept this claim, have struggled to identify exclusively Lollard elements in the manuscripts. For Wyclif, the Law of Christ calls upon Christians to conform themselves to the poor and humble Christ of the Gospels. “‘Authorial Intention’ and ‘Literal Sense’ in the Exegetical Theories of Richard Fitzralph and John Wyclif: An Essay in the Medieval Theories of Biblical Hermeneutics.” . To “locate Langland more precisely on the intellectual map of his day,” Minnis compares his use of Trajan to John Wyclif’s, especially “in relation to Wyclif’s unusual version of the . The question is deeply connected to whether women can preach, and therefore to the status of languages in which the Word might be preached.] —. [Minnis considers the theology of Brut’s arguments on women priests (recorded in Bp. He traces the echoes of Chaucer’s texts throughout contemporary philosophical and theological texts, including Wycliffite writings, concerned with truth and verifiability, women priests, sin, sexuality, and the sacraments.] —. as Critic of Wycliffite Exegesis.” , of Wyclif’s belief that “present-day religion is full of human institutions and traditions which have no Biblical precedent—and therefore they should be removed” (45), which argued that religious orders should also be removed. In this way, Lollardy becomes a space for proof of Kempe’s authority and orthodoxy.] Moser, Otto. [This is about Westminster School MS 3; it discusses the composition of the various booklets in the manuscript, revising earlier arguments by Hanna and others, to conclude that it was compiled in a secular context.] Mozley, J. Dividing work on sermons into “sermon,” “preacher,” and “society,” Muessig’s historiographical paper discusses how historians use sermons, investigate the diversity of preachers, and have developed studies which examine sermons as sources for intellectual and moral life in the middle ages.] Muir, Lawrence. Lollardy and Wyclif figure at several places in Staley’s argument, notably in her chapter on “Inheritances and Translations,” in how the heresy and Wyclif’s and other Lollard writings are used and rewritten during Richard’s reign.] Stanbury, Sarah.”Visualizing.” . “Walter Brut’s Theology of the Sacrament of the Altar.” Somerset, Havens, and Pitard 115-126. As Aers puts it, these “nominalizations can bestow an apparent solidity, an obviousness, on what they refer to, distracting us from the networks of interaction from which these terms are, in a sense, abstractions” (viii); later, he points out that, “a text could draw on traditional resources in a manner that went against the grain of recent and emergent orthodoxy, in ritual practice and theology, without being judged as heretical” (ix). “Lollard Trials and Inquisitorial Discourse.” Given-Wilson 81-94. First staged as early as 1376, the plays were performed annually until the late 1500s and involved as much as a tenth of the city in multiple performances at a dozen or more locations. “Shaping the Mixed Life: Thomas Arundel’s Reformation.” Clark, Jurkowski, and Richmond 94-108. [Abstract: ” Regarding marriage, John Wyclif defends the following position: strictly speaking, no words or any kind of sensory signs would be needed, since the consensus of the spouses together with God’s approbation would suffice for the accomplishment of marriage. [According to the abstract, D’Alton’s article “charts the brief re-emergence of William Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, as the main driving force, arguing that the lord chancellor, Sir Thomas More, did not assert control over heresy policy until late 1531. [A seminal study, though some of her claims, notably the authorship of tracts in her Appendices, have been disproven; note especially Hudson’s essay “The Debate on Bible Translation, Oxford 1401,” below. While earlier theologians, like Aquinas and Bonaventure, had interpreted the sensory paradoxes associated with Eucharist as sacred mysteries pointing towards hidden truths, later writers, beginning with Holkot, tended to treat them as clear examples of divine deception. This essay reexamines the problem of defining heterodoxy in the English Psalter by focusing less on the putative sources of interpolated passages than on how features of Rolle’s original text-notably its emphasis on personal confession and its ambivalence about clerical authority-made it susceptible to both Lollard theology and ecclesiastical scrutiny. While he never rejected the possibility of a just war in principle, he believed that it was all but impossible in practice. “John Wyclif and the Primitive Papacy.” 38.2 (2007): 159-90. Trefnant’s Register and in four that appear in BL, MS Harley 31) in the light of Wyclif’s doctrine of dominion and its implication that the clerical hierarchy and righteousness do not coincide, but that righteousness was the only true authority.] —. “Tobit’s Dog and the Dangers of Literalism: William Woodford O. Minnis focuses on the second determination, which “offers a of Wyclif’s view that every truth which is conducive to salvation is to be found in the Bible” (45). [“One of the most striking [of Wyclif’s ideas about the sacraments] is that ‘consent of love’ alone is sufficient for matrimony. “Untersuchungen über die Sprache John Bale’s.” Dissertation. “The Influence of the Rolle and Wyclifite Psalters upon the Psalter of the Authorized Version.” 98.3 (Summer, 2001): 315-39. , and Religious Experience Before and After Arundel.” Gillespie and Ghosh 115-132. The play demonstrates two central Protestant theological tenets in its exposition of monarchy: first is the discrediting of transubstantiation or the notion that the appearances of bread and wine remain even though the substances are transformed into the body and blood of Christ and second, image-making and false pretenses have created a false religion of the state.”] Cammack, Melvin M. “Yet Another ‘Lost’ Chapter of Wyclif’s as containing thirteen tracts, the last seven of which later collected under a single item (viz. This allows for a broader and more consistent account of the order and dating of the (1372) and other Wyclif’s writings.”] —. The article includes, as an Appendix, an edition of the poem in Latin, with a translation.] Carr, J. [This essay argues that a loan in the Shipman’s Tale bears resemblance to a tithe and comments on controversies surrounding the practice, including Wycliffite resistance to tithing.] Colledge, E. Within this, she makes use of Lollard critiques of images (when discussing Virginia and the Physician’s Tale), and Lollard discourse and “understondynge” (in the Parson’s Tale).] Colletti, Theresa. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 200. [Within her study, Colletti makes mention of the fact that “like many medieval reform movements, Lollardy was hospitable to women” (141), and that they were permitted to preach. Chaucer is concerned with language and its ability to convey meaning, both as a poet and as a thinker grappling with the philosophical and intellectual currents of his day.”] Conetti, M. According to the abstract, “The German Johannes Sharpe is the most important and original author of the so called “Oxford Realists”: his semantic and metaphysical theories are the end product of the two main medieval philosophical traditions, realism and nominalism, for he contributed to the new form of realism inaugurated by Wyclif, but was receptive to many nominalist criticisms. “William Thorpe and His Lollard Community: Intellectual Labor and the Representation of Dissent.” Hanawalt and Wallace 199-221. “Rhetoric and the Politics of the Literal Sense in Medieval Literary Theory: Aquinas, Wyclif, and the Lollards.” . If the ‘lexical minutiae’ found here are sometimes clearly Lollard in character, they are at other times clearly indebted to the orthodox tradition” (2).] —. Christopher Ocker argues that interpreters developed a biblical poetics very similar to that cultivated and promoted by Protestants in the sixteenth century, which was reinforced by the adaptation of humanist rhetoric to Bible reading after Lorenzo Valla. Therefore, the article re-examines documents pertaining to the dates of the prebendary and the payments Wycliffe received for it.”] Ortmann, Franz J. Rather than reflect cautious attention to boundaries of “orthodox” belief, ‘A Schort Reule of Lif’ shows that common devotional interests could transcend matters of ideology.”] “‘To þe worschipe of God and profite of his peple’: Lollard Sermons on the Parable of the Labourers in the Vineyard.” Bose and Hornbeck 175-192. Note that this history here on Oxford during Wyclif’s time has been greatly updated and fleshed out in the volume by Catto and Evans entitled on Late Medieval Oxford.
In particular, it discusses Jakob Wimpheling’s prefatory material to his edition of a medieval classic, Petrus Aureolus’s (1319), which is subtle and discriminating in its appreciation of the Ciceronian and Augustinian strands of Aureolus’s scholarship. an attempt to establish and unite a community of readers around his books, to influence and thus change the ways they understand their faith, the world, and their place in it. Broadly speaking, he gleans vernacular terms and arguments of recent coinage that represent valued practices within a community of practitioners who have distinguished themselves, for better and for worse, as innovators in English. “Childhood, Pedagogy, and the Literal Sense: From Late Antiquity to the Lollard Heretical Classroom.” Scase, Copeland, and Lawton 125-156. “Toward a Social Genealogy of Translation Theory: Classical Property Law and Lollard Property Reform.” Beer 173-183. “Sophistic, Spectrality, Iconoclasm.” Dimmick, Simpson, and Zeeman 112-130. He wants to examine these three topics together because “they all speak to those criteria which are essential for constituting a genuine pope as opposed to a mere pretender” (141). Rather than being a simple tale of heresy and orthodoxy, therefore, this late medieval conflict turned on the question of professional expertise, rights and responsibilities.”] —. The book describes a progression through chapters on Wyclif, Woodford, Netter, Hussite controversies, and Gerson.] —. The Lollard Attribution of the ‘Diuers treateses of Joh. Furthermore, they developed the metaphor in a new way that provided a positive alternative for the illiterate, arguing that the simple and unlearned read not from the book of art but rather from the natural world around them.”] —. “Hot Literacy in Cold Societies: A Comparative Study of the Sacred Power of Writing.” , and Walter Brut’s self-defense at his trial–to “explore the cultural implications of the apocalyptic political expectations and geography” which they exemplify (96). It is argued that the structural and textual development of the tables testifies to a gradual loss of Wycliffite ideological control over the use and design of the English tables of lections. ) Production Under the Looking Glass: The Case of Columbia University, Plimpton Add. Note that much recent work building on Peterson has been published by, especially, Siegfried Wenzel. “Le Prédications Popularies: Les Lollards et le soulèvement des travailleurs angalis en 1381.” demonstrates that Chaucer is very attentive to contemporary political debates. “A New Language of Authority: The Growth of Vernacular Religious Literacy in England during the Later Middle Ages.” Ph D diss. This subjectivity, which makes the Tale similar to other contemporary mystical and devotional texts, defines its distinct vernacularity in contrast to contemporary Lollard texts. “The World Made Flesh: Wycliffite Hermeneutics, Pedagogy, and Polemic.” Ph. This dissertation seeks to examine and describe just such a context, focusing not so much on Wycliffite activity as it does on the rationale that undergirds that activity. “Devotional Literature and Lay Spiritual Authority: Imitatio Clerici in . She notes that at the time that these models were being developed in the later fourteenth century Wyclif was critiquing the traditional orders and “advocated a radical form of identity between lay and priestly practice” (xii). Her conclusion considers several fifteenth-century manuscripts containing these works to show how later compilers envisioned the use of these texts in the wake of Arundel.] Richardson, H.
Wimpheling’s defence of scholastic dialectic was grounded in what he believed to be dialectical tactics used by Christ, St. [Abstract: “Campbell argues that Pecock’s fascinating attempt to educate the laity is . The aim of Pecock’s educational project is to harness the power of texts to effect religious change. This is, in other words, Chaucer aligning himself with his contemporaries in ways quite different from both his crypto-, but mostly passive-aggressive, gestures toward Gower or Langland and from his curt and jocund references to “Lollere[s],” the contemporary pejorative term for Wycliffites. [Cole connects Wycliffism with the early humanists, using the term “ecclesiastical humanism” to “account for some of the institutional settings within which humanist activity flourished after new classical texts from the continent began to circulate in England in the first quarter of the fifteenth century” (426). [Copeland explores accusations of “sophistry” leveled by Wyclif and Lollards against their opponents, describing the academic erudition behind the accusation while also noting how it positions them as academic outsiders.] —. The General Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible and Augustine’s prologue to the short exposition on Matthew to illustrate the emphasis lollards placed on educating the laity to read and interpret scripture.] Corbellini, Sabrina. According to Levy, Wyclif “derided a corrupt electoral process only to put forward an almost mystical procedure in its place. “The Literal Sense of Scripture and the Search for Truth in the Late Middle Ages.” Revue D’histoire Ecclésiastique 104.3-4 (2009): 783-827. [Compares ways that Chaucer depicts the Pardoner as a “false prophet” with ways that he studiously avoids letting the Parson be labeled as one; both depictions are haunted by the shadow of lollardy.] Mc Cue, James F. “The Dissemination of Wyclif’s Ideas.” Hudson and Wilks 361-68. “De Heretico Comburendo, 1401.” Aston and Richmond 112-126. “John Scarle: Ambition and Politics in the Late Medieval Church.” Clark, Jurkowski, and Richmond 68-93. – in terms of their literary form, content and appeal rather than their relationship to Rolle’s biography. [“Discusses the boundaries between heresy and orthodoxy in England during the late Lollard period. wiclife in English’ (John Rylands Library, English MS 85).” 83.1 (2001): 89-102. “The perfect ‘sumtyme,’ the ‘nowe’ time and the ‘ende’ time: The Driving Force Behind Lollard Reformism? “Lollard Language in the Croxton Play of the Sacrament.” 13 (2003): 359-70. “The Illustrations of Corpus Christi College MS 32: ‘Þe glose in Englissche Tunge.'” Clark, Jurkowski, and Richmond 37-67. Her examination of Brut argues that he “uses the new idea of history that emerges from this crisis [of the impossibility of secular, linear historical writing demonstrated in the considers how the surviving English theatrical works of the fifteenth century represent competing practices of interpretation. A previously unpublished Wucliffite texts related to his qustion is included in appendix B.” The text in Appendix B is from BL Egerton 618, ff. Such attention to contemporary buzzwords and sociolects in his poetry moves readers beyond merely an ironic Chaucer, in which we read him for the “false surface and the underlying (ironic) truth” (102). The essay argues that Chaucer’s depiction the seemingly Lollard characteristics which surround the Parson can be best clarified by making more precisely clear the linguistic mode of the “vernacular.” The contrast between the tale’s content and context makes it the most vivid example of Chaucer’s argument for the possibility of a vernacular that might carry linguistic authority.] Plumb, Derek. I will argue that Wycliffite theory regarding the eucharist is the exegetical key to understanding their approach to pedagogical and polemical practice and to understanding the response of the church to Wycliffite heterodoxy, for it represents a fundamental point of conflict between Wycliffite and orthodox ideology.
[Discusses the development of medieval commentary about women’s preaching, some of which are contradictory, and how this influences depictions in saint’s lives and by Wycliffites.] Block, Edward A. “The Issue of Theological Style in Late Medieval Disputations.” 5 (2002): 1-21. Of special interest here is a chapter on the , he provocatively follows a line of reasoning instanced in multiple Wycliffite tracts on translation. Drawing on pedagogical theorists such as Freire and Giroux as well as a wealth of later medieval texts, Copeland shows how teachers radically transformed inherited ideas about classrooms and pedagogy as they brought their teaching to adult learners. “John Wyclif on Papal Election, Correction, and Deposition.” 69 (2007): 141-85. Because Holy Scripture formed, for Wyclif, the sole foundation of Christian society, it would fall to the magister sacrae paginae to render authoritative decisions on ecclesiastical governance” (141-42). Wyclif exercised his rights as a university master to dissent from ecclesiastical determinations that ran contrary to the truth as revealed in Scripture. “A Manuscript of the First Wycliffite Translation of the Bible.” . The English reformers, however, did more than merely reject Gregory as an authority. Peikola examines one form of tract, the catalogue, listing 22 different catalogues, discussing their structure, lexical markings, types, audiences, and their similarities to scholastic, judicial, and legislative textual practices. The major part of the article surveys variation in the form and content of the tables, serving the needs of genre description and paving the way for further textual scholarship (a preliminary list of the Wycliffite tables is presented in Appendix A). [One of several derivative biographies published on the quincentenary of Wyclif’s death. The volume includes a helpful index of “Churchwardens’ accounts before 1570.”] Peterson, Kate Oelzner. “Sowing Difficulty: The Parson’s Tale, Vernacular Commentary, and The Nature of Chaucerian Dissent.” 25 (2004): 299-330. Price and Ryrie attend to both stylistic and political arguments that arose over Biblical translation between the late fourteenth and early seventeenth centuries.] Pyper, Rachel. [Concludes that Chaucer uses the Wycliffite translation, but see also Holton, “Which Bible did Chaucer Use? When all the information on the movement which we possess, however, is brought together, one cannot but feel that they had a greater influence on their own time than has heretofore been allowed: Not only did the early reformers consider them very important, but today also, in spite of predilections for economic interpretations of history, they must be regarded as one of the important sources of the Scottish Reformation.”] Renna, Thomas. It contains chapters on “Wyclif and his Theology,” the “Early diffusion of Lollardy,” “Survival and Revival,” and “From Lollardy to Protestantism.” In the process, “whilst endorsing the traditional view that Lollardy was indeed the lay face of Wycliffism, . Far from being a Lollard minister, it suggests, Ramsbury was nothing but a confidence trickster.
[This article emphasizes the awareness among some “humanists” and “scholastics” of the intrinsically persuasive qualities of much theological discourse (disputation in particular). Because many of the terms Chaucer uses in the Prologue are also central to the General Prologue to the Wycliffite Bible, Chaucer appears to respond to this particular text, which was probably read within his social circle, rich in opportunities to acquire such vernacular material. The pedagogical imperatives of Lollard dissent were also embodied in the work of certain public figures, intellectuals whose dissident careers transformed the social category of the medieval intellectual.] —. Levy here discusses Wyclif’s “view of the mechanics of papal election, correction, and deposition,” rather than topics such as civil dominion and kingship (141). In the process of the paper, Levy discusses the backgrounds behind these issues to place Wyclif’s views in context. “Holy Scripture and the Quest for Authority among Three Late Medieval Masters.” 61.1 (Jan. Netter and Gerson set out to curb this sort of magisterial excess which they believed would inevitably lead to the destruction of all proper norms of authority within the Church. [Levy’s book describes ways in which Scripture was argued to be the foundation for ecclesiastical authority between about 1370 to 1430. Instead of dismissing the old justification of images as a false sophism, as the continental reformers had done in the 1520s, they appropriated the laymen’s-book metaphor for their own polemic, turning it against the iconophiles. The catalogue is one apparent instance of the vernacularization of Latinate textual practice by Lollard writers.] —. The concluding discussion addresses the use of the tables from the point of view of readers of the Wycliffite Bible. For a contemporary review, see “Wiclif and his Works,” included below. “The Sources of the Parson’s Tale.” Radcliffe College Monographs 12. [This key article modified Skeat’s theory that the Tale was derived from Friar Loren’s to show that it was mostly derived from penitential treatises by Raymund of Pennaforte and Peraldus. [The Parson’s Tale is an odd combination of a subjective context framing incontrovertibly authoritative content. “Wycliffite Bibles as Orthodoxy.” Corbellini 71-91. ”, which argues against this theory.] Rankin, William Joseph. [From the abstract: “Although scholars have recently addressed the role of Wycliffism in the development of cultural and vernacular practice and in the sociopolitical climate of the later Middle Ages, few have attempted to view Wycliffite activity from the vantage of a cohesive ideological context. “Wyclif’s Attacks on the Monks.” Hudson and Wilks 267-80. The form of liturgy he admitted to celebrating was not a product of theological editing but the performance of the visible and audible parts of the mass, with those parts customarily unseen and unheard simply omitted for economy of effort.”] Rice, Nicole. [Rice examines a series of texts for religious guidance which were adapted for life outside of the cloister.
This page is kept as one file to allow word searches of the whole list at once (use the “Find” command in your browser). One of her books included a copy of a glossed Psalter, apparently Rolle’s English commentary, and her relations included Sir John de Cobham, whose granddaughter Joan married John Oldcastle (ch. Chapter 5 describes the book reading and ownership circles around the anchoress Katherine Mann and Abbess Elizabeth Throckmorton in the 1520s, both of whom owned the writings of Tyndale, the former receiving her copy of the 52 (1985): 159-70. “Wyclif’s Logic and Wyclif’s Exegesis: the Context.” Walsh and Wood 287-300. “Wyclif on Literal and Metaphorical.” Hudson and Wilks 259-66. “English Provincial Constitutions and Inquisition into Lollardy.” Flannery and Walker 45-59. This recovered tradition of women’s preaching revises scholarship on the medieval period that attributes women’s authority to visionary rather than textual knowledge, and reveals a new sphere of women’s eloquence on a par with Renaissance humanism.”] Gethyn-Jones, J. “John Trevisa—An Associate of Nicholas Hereford.” . Examining Latin and English sources, Ghosh shows how the same debates over biblical hermeneutics and associated methodologies were from the 1380s onwards conducted both within and outside the traditional university framework, and how, by eliding boundaries between Latinate biblical speculation and vernacular religiosity, Lollardy changed the cultural and political positioning of both. It is here that Pecock’s works,” Ghosh continues, “can help us to refine and nuance our understanding of ‘Lollardy'” (252). to turn on its head the ‘Averroistic’ identification of happiness with the philosophical life and its associated methodologies” (257). [Gillespie begins with a brief discussion of Birgittine history and spirituality to discuss how and why the Syon community contained many Wycliffite (and anti-Wycliffite) works, and why it would have been interested in both the academic and popular aspects of Wycliffism.] —.“Chichele’s Church: Vernacular Theology in England after Thomas Arundel.” Gillespie and Ghosh 3-42. The papal decretal “Exiit qui seminat” was designed to protect the mendicant life of the Franciscan Order, extolling that life as the highest expression of Christian perfection. Reformation and Renaissance in the Spirituality of Late Medieval England.” Gillespie and Ghosh 55-72. Gould’s theory of biological evolution, as well as to the work of queer theorists Glenn Burger and Steven Kruger, Sargent applies a “preposterous” theory of history to late medieval spirituality, drawing attention to the complexity and diversity that defies binaristic descriptions of orthodoxy and heterodoxy.] —. The manuscript is a fifteenth century English Codex which was bound in the earlier decades of the seventeenth century. Again pending further study, neither do Wyclif’s views appear to assign philosophically extreme or novel roles to the entities he does recognize as universal. not simply the excesses of ecclesiastical bureaucracies and royal courts but the very relations of textuality,” thereby offering “a set of tropes to discuss the rhetorical, evidentiary, and foundational claims of official texts” (186-87).] —. Steiner explains that the distinctive rhetoric, material form, and ritual performance of legal documents offered writers of Chaucer’s generation and the generation succeeding him a model of literary practice. A comparison of [Johann Wiclef’s] theses and Johannes von Tepl’s disputation demonstrates that the dialogue between the ‘Ackermann’ and death shows Wiclef’s influence. [Along with Usk, James I, Charles d’Orléans, and George Ashby, Summers in one chapter discusses two Wycliffite writers, William Thorpe and Richard Wyche. Wyche and Thorpe construct a favourable literary identity through intertextual reference, notably by inviting comparisons with hagiographic figures. [This is a popular text, both in complete and re-compiled forms.